More than a decade into the U.S.-led occupation of Afghanistan, it seems we're still learning (or relearning) hard lessons. This time it's the alleged burning of the Koran by troops at Bagram airbase, and the results have been tragic.
Sow the wind, reap the whirlwind...
Saturday, February 25, 2012
Monday, February 13, 2012
Faculty Meeting at Snowflake College
I like to think I’m someone who doesn’t
suffer fools gladly. Unfortunately, I’ve
pretty much been ordered to.
“It totally sucks here!”
It’s time for the semiannual faculty meeting
at Snowflake College, a perfunctory affair held each semester the week before
classes begin. The agenda never changes:
Although most of the folks in the room are returning faculty, the meeting is a
review of basic administrative procedures, library hours, operating the
classroom audiovisual equipment, etc.
The main draw for me is that 1) It’s a paid
training, and 2) The college provides dinner.
Three hours’ pay and free food? Just for sitting and listening? I’m there, dude! I don’t care how many times I’ve heard this
stuff.
As the sign-in sheet is passed around, Dean Kimpossible
outlines the evening’s program. She
introduces the new faculty and the courses they’ll be teaching, offerings which
afford our students opportunities for personal growth to augment such perennial
favorites as Eidetic Portrait Painting, Indonesian Tribal Dance, and Tantric
Navel Gazing. Kimpossible solemnly
reminds us it’s precisely this sort of curriculum that makes Snowflake College
uniquely suited to educating a new, more discerning generation of students.
Kimpossible recognizes a few of the returning
faculty, most notably Professor Duckie, the Most Popular Faculty Member at
Snowflake. A twentysomething only in his
third year teaching, Duckie is beloved by faculty, staff, and students
alike. Rumor has it he’s gotten more
chili peppers on Rate My Professors.com than any other prof at Snowflake, ever. He invites his students to send him friend
requests on Facebook. He’s agreeable and
apparently charismatic which of course gives everything he says added
weight. The fact that you could wade
through his deepest thoughts and not get your ankles wet is something that
seems to have escaped almost everyone in the room, which goes to show that cultivated
superficiality will get you far even in academia.
After sitting through several pro forma presentations by our
colleagues, the dean shifts the topic to academics. Kimpossible’s teaching philosophy is informed
by her recruitment brochure vision for Snowflake: Carefree youth in dreadlocks
and tie dye playing hackeysack on the front lawn before traipsing off to tatami
mat weaving class. And so we’ve now
reached that point in the evening’s proceedings where Kimpossible takes a
moment to share her views. We raise our metaphorical
paper cups and prepare to drink the rhetorical Kool-Aid:
“Our students are
‘digital natives.’” (Translation: They’re adept at texting and updating their
Facebook pages in class, and yet somehow can’t figure out how to access the
course’s online content.)
“Our students don’t
want to be lectured. They are ‘knowledge
explorers,’ and your job is to be their guide.”
(They want to do the least amount of work for the highest possible
grade. Your job is to be engaging and
entertaining.)
“Our students are
idealistic.” (Ideally, they would spend
all their time on the ski run while Daddy and Mommy pay their bills.)
“Our students have
a different orientation toward work than our generation.” (They don’t like it.)
“Our students know
what they want and live by their values.”
(They have an exaggerated sense of entitlement and will angrily confront
anyone who challenges it. And that
includes you, my dear professor.)
At this point Kimpossible pauses a beat, then
delivers the punch line:
“Of course, you are responsible for
maintaining Snowflake College’s high academic standards.”
Ay, there’s the rub! Since our students’ exceptionalism is axiomatic,
standards are pretty much moot. I’d like
someday to walk into my classroom and not feel like I’m in that Twilight Zone episode about the bratty kid
who banishes the grownups he doesn’t like to the cornfield.
Wait, we’re not quite finished yet. Kimpossible closes the proceedings by
reminding us why we’re all here. She reads
us an email from a student who recently transferred to Big State University:
“Hey,
Kimpossible!
“Just
wanted to tell you how I’m doing now that I’m at Big State.
“The teachers here
don’t care about students. They’re not
cool like at Snowflake.
“They expect me to
come to class and do homework and stuff. This jerkwad professor wouldn’t let me make up an exam even though there
was six inches of fresh powder on the slopes and I had to go snowboarding that
day.
“It totally sucks here!”
Kimpossible pauses dramatically to make sure the
full meaning of this travesty sinks in.
“‘It…sucks…here!’” she intones slowly. “Always remember how special it is at
Snowflake. I’m proud we can provide such
a nurturing environment…and I’m thankful we have such students!”
And with that, we’re dismissed for the
evening. Welcome to another semester at
Snowflake College!
© 2012 The Unassuming Scholar
Sunday, February 5, 2012
A Lament for a Lost Movement
I was born and raised in a “blue” state, and
I live there still. However, I also
spent my childhood in a small rural town.
Coming of age during the Reagan era, I absorbed a lot of the
conventional wisdom of the time.
Given my upbringing, it’s no surprise I developed progressive views relatively late. But having
lived through the past decade, I’m amazed that more people haven’t turned
leftward. In fact, I’ve been hard
pressed to find a place where my neighbors share my ideas.
For the last few years I’ve lived in a
mountain resort community where I teach at the local college. When I first arrived in Treetop (not its real
name), it seemed like just the nice, free-thinking sort of place I’d been searching
for. I hoped to find friends who thought
and felt as I do. I thought it might be
the where I’d realize a long-nurtured ambition to start a free alternative school. I yearned to breathe free in the clean alpine
air.
Treetop does have a reputation for having a
free-spirited, youthful, alt vibe. What
I discovered underneath, however, was a pretty typical small town, right down
to the weekly Rotary, Kiwanis, and Lions Club breakfast meetings. The conversation at the wine and cheese
parties differs little from what you’d hear in the suburbs. Town ordinances ensure that one downtown
building looks much like all the others.
I shared my misgivings with an acquaintance,
telling her I wished Treetop was more socially progressive. She was taken aback. “But Treetop is very progressive,”
she protested. “We have snowboarders,
artists, and yoga studios. I listen to NPR and read The Huffington
Post every morning!”
I didn’t bother to argue. While Treetop isn’t exactly the kind of place
Sinclair Lewis would have satirized, neither is it a refuge for aspiring
bohemians or dissidents. My exchange
with the neighbor underlines an important fact of American political life. Progressivism is a fringe movement, probably
more so than at any other time in our history.
Oh, we have a loose cultural tolerance we call liberalism. But being a
liberal is largely a matter of style over substance, just another meaningless fashion
statement. I blame this on the legacy of
the 1960s. More precisely, I blame it on
people taking away the wrong lessons from that era. The individualistic, do-your-own-thing,
let-it-all-hang-out countercultural ethos seeped into the mainstream without transforming
the soul of “square” society. This is
why you have kids today with long hair, tattoos, and body piercings who vote
Republican and unabashedly seek business careers.
The biggest
roadblock to reviving progressivism is our essential, small “c,”
conservatism. We don’t like change. We stubbornly believe individual initiative
and hard work conquer all. Despite mounting evidence
to the contrary, we think the system is basically fair and should stay the way
it is. Most importantly, we don’t want
to lose whatever social and economic privileges we’ve managed to hold on to. In
short, our national narrative and decades of propaganda have convinced us
progressivism just isn’t a good idea.
It helps explain why the Occupy movement has failed to
take off. It hasn’t been police
repression or official harassment. It's been public skepticism and
apathy.
So, what’s
the solution? In my humble opinion:
What we need
is a compelling counter-narrative. We
need to take back the symbolism and heroes of our past. We need to remind ourselves of the taken for
granted gains made by our forebears. We
must let go of our preconceived notions.
This is easier said than done, but I believe it has to happen. It may be a bridge too far to win over older
generations whose members feel they have too much to lose. Perhaps we can count on the open mindedness
of youth to rebuild the movement.
To build a
future movement, we have to look to the past.
We must revisit the experience of the 1960s New Left, the political
movement that faded into historical oblivion even as the decade’s music and
fashion became cultural icons. Our goal
should be nothing short of a revival of the New Left. This next
New Left must not simply engage in activism.
It must win the cultural war against reaction and corporate
hegemony. It will have to rely on moral
suasion to remake our basic cultural values.
This last
charge – to fundamentally remake our collective beliefs – is the most critical
and the most difficult. I’ll mull the
possibilities in a future post.
© 2012 The
Unassuming Scholar
Saturday, February 4, 2012
Not Concerned
It seems Mitt Romney has suffered another slip of the tongue.
This week he told an audience that he was "not concerned" about the very poor because they had a social safety net to rely on. Apparently he meant to emphasize his commitment to making things better for the middle class.
All the same, his infelicitous choice of words was quite telling...and perhaps even calculated. Romney's utterance reflects the long-held bias of American voters against the impoversished. The Puritan belief that the poor somehow deserve their plight because of their moral unworthiness is alive and well, and Romney is simply walking the well-trod path followed by Republican politicians since Reagan. Brace yourselves for more of the usual right-wing drivel of how we should help the less fortunate by cutting the programs that keep them afloat...
This week he told an audience that he was "not concerned" about the very poor because they had a social safety net to rely on. Apparently he meant to emphasize his commitment to making things better for the middle class.
All the same, his infelicitous choice of words was quite telling...and perhaps even calculated. Romney's utterance reflects the long-held bias of American voters against the impoversished. The Puritan belief that the poor somehow deserve their plight because of their moral unworthiness is alive and well, and Romney is simply walking the well-trod path followed by Republican politicians since Reagan. Brace yourselves for more of the usual right-wing drivel of how we should help the less fortunate by cutting the programs that keep them afloat...
Tuesday, January 31, 2012
Stay in Touch, Okay?
The
first in an occasional series
The name on the email seems vaguely familiar. Giselle Jones? Is this someone I should know? A moment passes, and then I remember she is a student who took my intro to it all class maybe three, maybe four years ago. My curiosity is mildly piqued. I open the message:
Ah, another “digital native” who can’t figure out the most widely used word processing program in the world! Just to make sure, I open the file on my computer. No problems there. I respond,
Still another two weeks pass. At this point, I figure the matter is at last closed. And then, another missive from Ms. Jones,
It’s been a month now and there hasn’t been any further word from my erstwhile student. No news is good news, right? And yet first thing every morning I peer warily at my email inbox…
* A tip of the hat to the blog College Misery (http://collegemisery.blogspot.com) and its much-missed predecessor, RateYourStudents.com.
The name on the email seems vaguely familiar. Giselle Jones? Is this someone I should know? A moment passes, and then I remember she is a student who took my intro to it all class maybe three, maybe four years ago. My curiosity is mildly piqued. I open the message:
“mr. scholar,
“u have to
send me a copy of your fall 2007 syllabus.
i took ur class at snoflake and now im in college in utah and my adviser
wont transfer the credits from ur class without a syllabus. she says its the only 1 i need all my other
classes r ok.
“i called big
campis and they said u didnt work at snoflake anymore and i was really
confused so i e mailed somebody else i don’t remembir her name i dleted the msg and they
said u were still there.
“she said she
would tell u to send a syllabus but u never did and now im e mailing u. i need this rite now ok?
“giselle
jones”
I search my memory a moment and recall
forwarding a copy of the Fall ’07 syllabus to an administrative assistant who
had requested it on behalf of Ms. Jones.
I am certain that the admin followed through. While the life of the mind at Snowflake
College* leaves much to be desired, I’ve never known our support staff to drop
the ball. I suspect the shortfall is on
the student’s end. I wonder which college she’s transferred to,
and why Utah? I conclude that Giselle is
either a devout Mormon or she’s majoring in skiing.
I reply:
“Dear Ms.
Jones,
“I’m sorry you
haven’t received your requested copy of the syllabus. The person with whom you spoke at Big Campus
is in error; I am still employed at Snowflake College. You could have avoided any delay by contacting
me directly.
“I’m sending
you the syllabus as an attachment.
“Regards,
“Unassuming
Scholar”
I click “Send” and decide this is the
end of this episode. Ms.
Jones and I will each live happily ever after.
Nearly two weeks later Ms. Jones replies,
perhaps to thank me for my kind assistance.
Alas, the news is not what I had hoped for:
“i cant open
ur file. i really need this now.”
Ah, another “digital native” who can’t figure out the most widely used word processing program in the world! Just to make sure, I open the file on my computer. No problems there. I respond,
“Ms. Jones,
“My
apologies. Perhaps there was a glitch
that prevented the file from opening.
I’m resending it. Please let me
know if you have any further problems.
“Sincerely,
“Unassuming
Scholar”
Still another two weeks pass. At this point, I figure the matter is at last closed. And then, another missive from Ms. Jones,
“mr. scholar,
“ i still cant
open ur file. why dont u send me the
rite 1? My adviser needs ur syllabus asap
or i dont get credit for ur class and i cant graduate on time.
“i cant
believe this. ur the worst teacher ever.
“giselle
jones”
I take a deep breath, suppress the urge to tell her to go piss up a rope, and carefully prepare my response.
“Ms. Jones,
“Flattery will
get you nowhere. Nevertheless, I have
cut and pasted the requested syllabus into this message rather than attaching
it as a Word file.
“If that
doesn’t work, I don’t know what to tell you.
You’re on your own.
“Cheers,
“Unassuming
Scholar”
It’s been a month now and there hasn’t been any further word from my erstwhile student. No news is good news, right? And yet first thing every morning I peer warily at my email inbox…
* A tip of the hat to the blog College Misery (http://collegemisery.blogspot.com) and its much-missed predecessor, RateYourStudents.com.
© 2012 The Unassuming Scholar
Saturday, January 28, 2012
Deportee
On this day in 1948, an airplane chartered by
the Immigration and Naturalization Service crashed in Los Gatos Canyon,
California. The accident, commemorated
in the Woody Guthrie poem, “Deportee,” took the lives of 28 Mexican migrant
workers who were being involuntarily repatriated. The victims included:
Julio Barron
Manuel Calderon
Francisco Duran
Santiago Elisandro
Rosalio Estrado
Bernabe Garcia
James A. Guardaho
Severo Lara
Elias Macias
Jose Macias
Tomas Marquez
Louis Medina
Manuel Merino
Luis Mirando
Martin Navarro
Ygnacio Navarro
Roman Ochoa
Ramon Perez
Apolonio Placentia
Ramon Portello
Guadalupe Ramirez
Alberto Raygoza
Guadalupe Rodriquez
Maria Rodriguez
Juan Ruiz
Salvadore Sandoval
Jesus Santos
Friday, January 27, 2012
Wrapped in the American Flag?
It’s hard to believe that it has been nearly
nine years, but I vividly remember the night the Iraq War began.
As they did in many Western countries, various fascist movements took hold in the United
States in the years before the Second World War. While none of them had large
memberships or gained widespread support, the German-American Bund and the
Silver Shirts are still mentioned in histories of the time. Similarly, demagogic public figures such as
Huey Long, William Dudley Pelley, and Fr. Francis Coughlin were characterized
by their detractors as fascist.
While we like to see ourselves as individualists, and while our national self-image is largely built on this belief, there is a strong current of conformism and deference to authority in our daily lives. I don’t think this is case just with blue collar red staters, either. Training in the top-down group ethos begins early regardless of social background, whether we recognize it or not. Parenting practices may range from strict, “Because I said so” demands for unquestioning obedience to presenting a narrow range of “choices” to follow, but few parents teach their kids to be truly autonomous. Starting in elementary school, we sit in orderly rows reminiscent of soldiers in ranks. By high school, our teachers and administrators choose our leaders and heroes for us; they seldom if ever rise from below. We’re also told, sometimes overtly, sometimes by default, who doesn’t fit in and should thereby be socially excluded.
As adults our work is often highly structured. We attend church much more frequently than our brethren in other Western countries -- a belief in revealed religion is not normally conducive to independent thought. Our heavily corporatized media presents a homogeneous viewpoint that doesn’t challenge the status quo. The propaganda function of the mainstream media is well-documented and we can’t blame it all on Fox News or AM talk radio, either. Minor editorial differences aside, news content varies little from source to source. Rarely do we ever see or hear progressive views.
The current economic crisis has the middle class groping blindly for culprits. Not the obvious ones, mind you. Since your typical suburbanite feels a stronger affinity for CEOs, hedge fund managers, and investment bankers than for the poor and marginalized, it’s the latter whom he blames for the subprime mortgage meltdown. In his mind it was Democrat-imposed legislation forcing banks to lend to low-income borrowers, particularly minorities, that pushed us down the slippery slope to disaster. In this climate it’s no surprise that James O’Keefe’s prank on ACORN resonated with conservatives and that President Obama’s past work as a community organizer raised hackles during the 2008 campaign. It’s probably best for him that he didn’t try to organize immigrants.
Nativism is alive and well in America, as a cursory look at recent events shows. It’s hardly new, though. The escalating war on immigrants, documented or not, reflects a cyclical phenomenon in our history stretching back all the way to the Know-Nothings of the early nineteenth century. But despite the progress we tell ourselves we've made since the Civil Rights Movement, the enactment of SB 1070 in Arizona and HB 56 in Alabama lays bare a decidedly ugly vein of bigotry. Another example is our exaggerated fear of Muslims and people who are or are perceived to be Middle Eastern. Racial profiling in general is a result of a deep-seated fear of people unlike us.
The phrase, “people unlike us” may well apply to the so-called Red/Blue state divide though this is hardly a new development. The rapid urbanization of American society a century ago engendered a deep-seated distrust of cities among rural and small-town people. For them cities were breeding grounds of sin and magnets for un-American elements. The Scopes Trial, rural support of Prohibition, and the revival of the Ku Klux Klan during the 1920s were all signs of a emerging social chasm that has persisted to this day.
Another hint of a latent fascism shows in how we’ve constructed our national identity. Our society valorizes toughness and violence. It isn’t just our penchant for action films, first-person shooter video games, and other escapist pastimes. It’s interwoven in our heritage of conquest and global hegemony. The cult of strength also reveals a certain misogyny—if masculinity is good, its inverse, femininity, is implicitly bad for its presumed weakness. Moreover, this bias is reflected in statements from our national leaders. President Bush’s taunt to Iraqi insurgents to “Bring it on” played well with the public, despite the backlash from his political opponents. When Donald Rumsfeld claimed “weakness is provocative,” he was not just pointing out the need for a strong defense. He was expressing a contempt for those who fail to live up to the ideal of the taciturn lone hero of our popular self-imagination.
I suppose we don’t notice these tendencies as we’re a steadfastly apolitical people not given to reflection. We’re put off by the drone of daily coverage in no small part because we aren’t offered any real choice with the two major parties. We vote—that’s the extent of our political activity. Otherwise, we tune out. Without any meaningful outlet for involvement we turn inward to our private concerns. Because we’ve largely abandoned the public sphere, the vacuum has been filled by those who don’t have the public good as their priority. And their manipulation of public sentiment puts us at risk of being ultimately complicit in our own oppression.
Do I believe that the United States is fascist? Of course not. Do I believe that our country has the potential to become fascist? I believe that we're susceptible given our cultural proclivities. If and when fascism does come, it won’t be with banners, black shirts, and jackboots. Sinclair Lewis’ pronouncement is as prescient now as it was 75 years ago: “When fascism comes to America, it will be wrapped in the flag and carrying a cross.”
I was in graduate school at the time, and I
was walking with a friend toward the University Union to have a cup of
coffee. As we approached the door, a
woman thrust an antiwar leaflet at us – “Stop the invasion!” My friend waved her away. As we walked off she hissed, “Fascists!”
I was taken aback, and a little bemused. The leaflet lady didn’t know me, of course,
but I had spent much of that week engaged in various campus activities
concerning the impending conflict. I’d
participated in two antiwar demos already and had been part of a panel
symposium on the war and its likely consequences. But the epithet stung.
For many in the American left, “fascist” is a
catchall label for people and ideas they oppose, a word thrown around much in
the way right-wingers so often did with “Communist” in earlier generations and
do with “anti-American” and “terrorist” today.
All these terms can be thought-terminating clichés. But remembering that encounter all those
years ago outside the University Union has made me reflect on what fascism is
and whether it could take root on American soil.
This is a worrisome question that has recurred
in times of social ferment since the 1930s.
In fact, we often allude to it in everyday discourse—consider the
popularity of the reductio ad Hitlerum as
a rhetorical device. However, since 9/11
there has been particular cause for concern. In spite of the best efforts of civil
libertarians to raise the alarm the American public as a whole has been remarkably
quiescent in the face of the PATRIOT Act, no-fly lists, increased surveillance,
ever-tightening airport security measures, and a policy of extrajudicial
killings abroad. Although Americans have
unprecedented access to news and information most seem to believe ignorance is
bliss.
After the defeat of Fascist Italy and Nazi
Germany, it became socially unacceptable to openly espouse fascist
ideologies. However, the anti-Communism
engendered by the Cold War represented the sort of sociopolitical reaction that
too often aped fascism, albeit loosely. To
this day, currents of fascist tendencies run beneath the surface of American political
discourse.
Fascism is one of those elusive concepts that
form in the eye of the beholder, as we saw in my opening anecdote. But we do have a few good rules of thumb for
recognition. For instance, Umberto Eco
points to characteristics such as preoccupation with tradition,
anti-intellectualism, intolerance of dissent, xenophobia, middle class fears of
economic distress, populism, and the need for an external enemy to provide unity. Stanley Payne identifies like attributes,
among them the belief in a need for strong political authority,
anti-liberalism, and anti-Communism.
Certain character
types may be particularly attracted to fascist ideas, such as the authoritarian
personality described by Hannah Arendt. Similarly, Richard Hofstadter’s description
of American anti-intellectualism incorporates fascist tropes such as resentment
of cosmopolitan urbanites and foreigners.
The American preference for practical pursuits over the contemplative
life is reminiscent of the pronouncement of Benito Mussolini’s in-house
philosopher, Giovanni Gentile, that while fascism wasn’t opposed to
intelligence per se it was emphatically against intellectualism.
While we like to see ourselves as individualists, and while our national self-image is largely built on this belief, there is a strong current of conformism and deference to authority in our daily lives. I don’t think this is case just with blue collar red staters, either. Training in the top-down group ethos begins early regardless of social background, whether we recognize it or not. Parenting practices may range from strict, “Because I said so” demands for unquestioning obedience to presenting a narrow range of “choices” to follow, but few parents teach their kids to be truly autonomous. Starting in elementary school, we sit in orderly rows reminiscent of soldiers in ranks. By high school, our teachers and administrators choose our leaders and heroes for us; they seldom if ever rise from below. We’re also told, sometimes overtly, sometimes by default, who doesn’t fit in and should thereby be socially excluded.
As adults our work is often highly structured. We attend church much more frequently than our brethren in other Western countries -- a belief in revealed religion is not normally conducive to independent thought. Our heavily corporatized media presents a homogeneous viewpoint that doesn’t challenge the status quo. The propaganda function of the mainstream media is well-documented and we can’t blame it all on Fox News or AM talk radio, either. Minor editorial differences aside, news content varies little from source to source. Rarely do we ever see or hear progressive views.
And so we're
always ready to rally ‘round the flag. Patriotism is defined as unquestioning
support for our leaders, politicians of all ideological stripes sport flag lapel pins as a silent protest of their loyalty, and
anyone who questions the direction in which the country is heading clearly
“hates America.” The chilling effect on dissent over the past
ten years has been significant; peer pressure and deference to authority has
become the norm. While we look away from
the acts of the powers that be, we focus all the more on the powerless.
The current economic crisis has the middle class groping blindly for culprits. Not the obvious ones, mind you. Since your typical suburbanite feels a stronger affinity for CEOs, hedge fund managers, and investment bankers than for the poor and marginalized, it’s the latter whom he blames for the subprime mortgage meltdown. In his mind it was Democrat-imposed legislation forcing banks to lend to low-income borrowers, particularly minorities, that pushed us down the slippery slope to disaster. In this climate it’s no surprise that James O’Keefe’s prank on ACORN resonated with conservatives and that President Obama’s past work as a community organizer raised hackles during the 2008 campaign. It’s probably best for him that he didn’t try to organize immigrants.
Nativism is alive and well in America, as a cursory look at recent events shows. It’s hardly new, though. The escalating war on immigrants, documented or not, reflects a cyclical phenomenon in our history stretching back all the way to the Know-Nothings of the early nineteenth century. But despite the progress we tell ourselves we've made since the Civil Rights Movement, the enactment of SB 1070 in Arizona and HB 56 in Alabama lays bare a decidedly ugly vein of bigotry. Another example is our exaggerated fear of Muslims and people who are or are perceived to be Middle Eastern. Racial profiling in general is a result of a deep-seated fear of people unlike us.
The phrase, “people unlike us” may well apply to the so-called Red/Blue state divide though this is hardly a new development. The rapid urbanization of American society a century ago engendered a deep-seated distrust of cities among rural and small-town people. For them cities were breeding grounds of sin and magnets for un-American elements. The Scopes Trial, rural support of Prohibition, and the revival of the Ku Klux Klan during the 1920s were all signs of a emerging social chasm that has persisted to this day.
Another hint of a latent fascism shows in how we’ve constructed our national identity. Our society valorizes toughness and violence. It isn’t just our penchant for action films, first-person shooter video games, and other escapist pastimes. It’s interwoven in our heritage of conquest and global hegemony. The cult of strength also reveals a certain misogyny—if masculinity is good, its inverse, femininity, is implicitly bad for its presumed weakness. Moreover, this bias is reflected in statements from our national leaders. President Bush’s taunt to Iraqi insurgents to “Bring it on” played well with the public, despite the backlash from his political opponents. When Donald Rumsfeld claimed “weakness is provocative,” he was not just pointing out the need for a strong defense. He was expressing a contempt for those who fail to live up to the ideal of the taciturn lone hero of our popular self-imagination.
I suppose we don’t notice these tendencies as we’re a steadfastly apolitical people not given to reflection. We’re put off by the drone of daily coverage in no small part because we aren’t offered any real choice with the two major parties. We vote—that’s the extent of our political activity. Otherwise, we tune out. Without any meaningful outlet for involvement we turn inward to our private concerns. Because we’ve largely abandoned the public sphere, the vacuum has been filled by those who don’t have the public good as their priority. And their manipulation of public sentiment puts us at risk of being ultimately complicit in our own oppression.
Do I believe that the United States is fascist? Of course not. Do I believe that our country has the potential to become fascist? I believe that we're susceptible given our cultural proclivities. If and when fascism does come, it won’t be with banners, black shirts, and jackboots. Sinclair Lewis’ pronouncement is as prescient now as it was 75 years ago: “When fascism comes to America, it will be wrapped in the flag and carrying a cross.”
© 2012 The Unassuming Scholar
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