If you’re under forty, you were raised to fear
Middle Easterners and Muslims. For my generation,
the bogeyman was communism.
This week marks the centenary of the October
Revolution. Strangely, the anniversary
has attracted little comment in the media which is funny when you consider how
large the U.S.-Soviet rivalry loomed over 20th century history.
The Cold War was, in retrospect, more about
national rivalry and global power politics than ideology. While it’s true that the collectivist ethos
of the former socialist states was inherently antagonistic to Americans’
individualistic worldview, the East-West standoff was really about global hegemony
on both sides.
Still, throughout my childhood and youth my
teachers and the media played up the threat evil communism posed to our
freedoms. Atrocities such as the
Cambodian genocide were offered up as proof of the ruthlessness of communist rule
and what might befall us should they succeed in their goal of defeating the
United States.
This statement, which seems overly dramatic
from today’s perspective, would have been credible to a number of people when I
was a kid. Once, in a high school
history class, the teacher asked us what was the goal of the communists. A student in the back of the room promptly
answered in a loud, emphatic voice, “The goal of communism is world conquest!” No one disputed him. The teacher appeared pleased.
This was in the early 1980s, when President
Reagan was doing his level best to antagonize the Soviet leadership. Anticommunism had become conflated with “patriotism,”
and the popular rhetoric ignored realities on the ground. The Sino-Soviet split had occurred twenty
years earlier. The recently concluded
Vietnam War was more about national sovereignty than communism, a truth
recognized by many scholars from its start though clearly not by most Americans
and their poliicians.
We have a tenuous relationship with truth that
goes back much further than the current debate as to whether we’re living in a “post-truth”
era. Our thinking tends toward
either/or, black and white reasoning. We
categorically reject any evidence which contradicts our narrative, however
manifest it may be to a less partial observer.
This tendency becomes pernicious when it results in defining ourselves not
by what we are but by what we are not.
This is a recurring theme. In our first century or so, we were not those
corrupt, rotten Old World aristocrats. During
the Cold War our alliance with the Soviets against the Axis was forgotten as we
proclaimed to the world that we were most certainly nothing like those godless
commies. Today, we are not those Muslims
who hate our freedom, but this is a topic for another time.
Back to the dialectic between a free, virtuous
America and a totalitarian, evil Soviet Union.
If you were with us, your country was a “democracy” and part of the “Free
World.” If you were not, your country
was either enslaved or untrustworthy. This
fiction ignored two things. First, many
of the regimes in the so-called Free World countries were in fact corrupt and
repressive. Secondly, whenever the
people of one of these countries dared assert their right to self-determination
the U.S. and its allies would step in to stymie the attempt—witness the
examples of Guatemala, Iran, Chile, East Timor, and Nicaragua.
All this sidesteps the question of the merits
of the Soviet experiment, however. Putting
aside the chaos of the Civil War and the totalitarian excesses of the Stalin
years, there were aspects of it which compare favorably with the capitalist West. Many of the ills of capitalist economies were
less manifest, such as fluctuating business cycles and unemployment. The regime at least made the effort to attend
to its people’s essential economic and social needs. The state ideology encouraged the collective
welfare over narrow self-interest.
That last item probably doomed the system in
the end. The citizens of the Eastern
Bloc were less interested in political freedom than in Levi’s and rock
music. During the so-called Era of
Stagnation between the mid-1960s and the advent of Gorbachev, the Soviet Union’s
economic planners struggled to meet popular demand for consumer goods. Appeals to the collective good fell on deaf
ears when people stood on line for soap and razor blades. Some Soviet clients, most notably Hungary, managed
to satiate consumer demand. Others, like
Romania, were economically inept and politically crooked.
Watching from afar, the fall of the Berlin Wall
and its aftermath did seem breathtaking at the time. The West was vindicated. It wasn’t long before the downside became
apparent, however. Ethnic conflict in
Russia and other former Soviet republics.
Terrorism. Economic turmoil. Organized crime. Vladimir Putin.
The Soviet Union did not fall for the reasons
we use to congratulate ourselves. It
wasn’t the absence of freedom or because of the Reagan administration’s military
build-up. It was that our comparatively free market was
more efficient than their planned economy.
What was portrayed as a clash of ideologies ended on a disappointingly prosaic
note. Then again, it doesn’t matter as
we’ve long since moved along to newer, suitably evil enemies.
© 2017 The Unassuming Scholar
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