For
the past year I’ve shrugged off the idea of Donald Trump’s impeachment.
The
realities on the ground preclude the President’s removal. The Republican majority in the Senate, slight
as it may be, ensures this. Even if the
Democrats somehow gain control in next year’s election and Trump wins a second
term, their margin would be just as slight and would make the 2/3 supermajority
needed to convict just as unlikely to attain.
Either way, if the case against him is compelling enough there’s a slim
chance the Senate might punt and censure Trump as it did with Bill Clinton.
Despite
this, House Democrats and the chattering classes in Washington sympathetic to
them are proclaiming Trump’s political demise.
Reaction to the latest investigation has been predictable. Rudy Giuliani is making the rounds of the
news network gabfests proclaiming his client’s innocence. (Giuliani, like so many formerly respectable
political figures who hitched their chariots to Trump’s star, has seen his
reputation dragged through the roadside mud and yet he perseveres.)
Other
administration officials and their fellow travelers are doing likewise. It’s not the talking heads who should be
worrying us, however. We need only look
to either side of us.
Normally
it’s hard to take Trump’s tweet storms seriously. The impeachment threat inspired the
predictable fury, in 280-character bursts.
These have gotten ominous of late, the latest—a retweet, actually—predicting
a second civil war should the Dems make good on their promise to impeach. Much like his claim that he could shoot
someone on Fifth Avenue and get away with it, it’s tempting to chalk this up to
hyperbole.
The
media are taking it seriously, if I’m to believe my newsfeed. CBS cites a response from militia group Oath
Keepers threatening a “HOT civil war.”
CNN frets that the President’s words have incited violence in the past
and might do so again. Newsweek charges
the tweets as grounds for impeachment, as if the allegations concerning Ukraine
weren’t enough. A New York Times
op-ed claims that the civil war rhetoric is becoming mainstream. The New Yorker ties Trump’s pandering to Southerners sympathetic to the memory of The Lost Cause to the rise of such
rhetoric but also notes that present political divisions have little to do with
Trump’s troubles and are rooted in a dynamic as old as the country.
Words
are one thing. But it’s another aspect
of the controversy which gives pause.
What if the President is impeached and removed? What if he fails to win reelection in
2020?
No
American institution today is more trusted by the public than its
military. As an item in The Daily
Beast asks, where will the military stand should Trump face a serious
threat to his presidency? Its author is
a civilian intelligence analyst recently employed by U.S. Central Command. (CENTCOM has geographic responsibility for
the Middle East and Central Asia.) She
observed growing pro-Trump sentiment among her uniformed colleagues. Fox News played nonstop on workplace TVs
while Drudge and Breitbart were popular browsing fare. Any other sources of information were
scornfully branded “fake news.”
The
author notes that a few years ago, one could reliably count on career
servicemembers to be mostly Reagan conservatives. Now we have military professionals who repeat
tired canards about the Clintons, that the FBI and CIA cannot be trusted, and
openly say they and their colleagues hated Obama. Even Trump’s wilder assertions are repeated
at face value.
Personal
opinions are one thing, and even individual members of our traditionally non-political
armed forces have a right to them. These
become problematic, however, when they reflect a prevailing social
climate. This leads us back to the
article’s central question.
Fears
of military coups have surfaced periodically over our history.
Abraham Lincoln’s order authorizing his commanders to suspend habeas corpus
during the Civil War led to accusations of presidential overreach. (Congress subsequently endorsed his action
through legislation.) In the depths of
the Great Depression, retired Marine general Smedley Butler was approached by
businessmen in an alleged conspiracy to remove Franklin Roosevelt.
A
more intriguing incident occurred during Watergate. Richard Nixon, facing certain impeachment,
conviction, and removal from office, is said to have been in a poor mental
state at the end. As Commander-in-Chief
he had the full might of the U.S. military at his disposal, including its
nuclear arsenal. Fearing Nixon might
lash out as his presidency imploded, Defense Secretary James Schlesinger
instructed the chain of command to disregard any questionable orders from the White
House.
This
action was arguably improper, and came to light well after Nixon had gone away
quietly to await his pardon. Then again,
consider the alternatives given the situation at the time.
A present-day presidential meltdown isn’t out of the question considering what we’ve seen for
the past three years. Although a literal
civil war is improbable given the apathy of the typical American, the far right
has grown in stature since Trump’s election.
Extremism has become more respectable.
Consider that the President’s civil war retweet originated with
evangelical pastor and Fox News personality Robert Jeffress. When evangelicals hear their religious
leaders implicitly endorsing far right or alt-right views then American mainstream conservatism risks being hijacked by these ideas.
The
“civil war-like fracture” promised by the tweet may not be as dire as it
implies, but a political fracture does indeed exist.
It’s now only a question of how complete the break will be.
©
2019 The Unassuming Scholar
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