Tall, urbane Leroy K. New presented opening
arguments for the State of Indiana on April 27, 1966, commencing the trial of
Sylvia Likens’ accused murderers in the courtroom of Judge Saul Isaac Rabb.
The Trial of Sylvia Likens, by Kate Millett
The Indianapolis media gave the trial a
sensational build up. Hints of what was
to come were evident in the December 1965 grand jury hearings in which Gertrude
Baniszewski gave testimony. The grand jury
indicted Gertrude, Paula, Stephanie, Johnny, Coy Hubbard, and Ricky Hobbs for
first-degree murder. Leroy New announced
he would seek the death penalty against them all.
John Hammond, the Baniszewski family lawyer,
could not represent Gertrude and her children since their individual defenses
would pit each against the rest. Hammond
stayed on as Stephanie’s counsel and referred the others. William C. Erbecker would represent
Gertrude. Forrest Bowman, Jr., would
represent Johnny as well as Coy Hubbard.
George Rice accepted Paula’s case.
Each of the three attorneys tried their cases pro bono. Judge Rabb
assigned Ricky Hobbs a paid public defender, James Nedeff.
All of the defendants except for Stephanie
went on trial in April 1966. Stephanie’s
trial was postponed until after she testified for the prosecution. Although the prosecutors and Stephanie each
emphatically denied there was a quid pro
quo for her taking the stand, the Marion County grand jury revisited the
evidence against her in June and dropped the charges. Those initially charged with injury to person
were not prosecuted and several of them testified against the defendants.
The others had been held without bail since
their arrest, even the children. The
heinousness of the crime and the shiftless nature of the Baniszewskis certainly
had a lot to do with this. However,
Leroy New had little compunction about keeping juveniles charged with murder
locked up pending trial. In 1964 New
objected to bail for a twelve year old who killed his older brother with a
shotgun after an argument over money to buy ice cream. The judge set bail
for the boy only after his father suffered a heart attack in the courtroom
during the hearing.
It is a testament to the collective stupidity
of Sylvia’s killers that almost all of them were frank about what they did in
their statements to the police though they stopped short of admitting to
murder. Once their cover story fell
apart—that Sylvia had run off and then suddenly reappeared a few hours before
her death half-naked and clutching a note conveniently explaining everything—it
seems they were plumb out of ideas.
Gertrude was willing to waive her rights and answer police questions
without a lawyer present because she believed she had done nothing wrong. Paula’s police statement is blunt and
unapologetic, as is Coy Hubbard’s. Ricky
Hobbs gave a rather chilling interview to Bob Hoover of radio station WIBC admitting
his role, including the fact he had done most of the branding on Sylvia’s
abdomen, but his demeanor clearly implied he should be off the hook because
Gertie told him to.
By today’s standards I am not sure that the
statements taken from the suspects in the hours following their arrest could
have been admitted in court. Stephanie,
the only Baniszewski with two brain cells to rub together, urged her mother to
call her lawyer once they got to the police station but Gertrude evidently
didn’t do so until after she had spoken with the investigating officers. Certainly the defense attorneys tried
mightily to suppress the statements.
Reading the transcript the ignorance of the police officers of their
suspects’ Fifth and Sixth Amendment rights is appalling. The first trial occurred after Escobedo v. Illinois and Gideon v. Wainwright had been decided
but before Miranda v. Arizona. (The U.S. Supreme Court had heard oral
arguments in Miranda but would not
hand down its opinion until two weeks after the trial had concluded.)
Forrest Bowman and the other defense lawyers
tried to get as much mileage out of Escobedo
as they could, but Judge Rabb put his foot down saying it wasn’t practical
for a policeman to have a lawyer “in his back pocket” at all times. A subsequent Supreme Court precedent, Bruton v. U.S., which was decided in
1968, limited the evidentiary value of a confession by one defendant
implicating another in a joint trial if the other defendant did not
testify. The Bruton rule would have tied the prosecution’s hands had it been in
place at the time. If State v. Baniszewski had been tried today the defendants would have been undoubtedly
acquitted.
Standards were different then, though that
did not register with any of the accused.
The younger defendants were certainly clueless as to the seriousness of
their predicament. This is evident in
their behavior before and during the trial.
There was the Hobbs boy’s on-air confession to Bob Hoover, of
course. Forrest Bowman reprimanded
Johnny several times during the trial for fidgeting and other distracting
behavior. George Rice had to tell Paula
to quit working crossword puzzles and pay attention. By contrast Stephanie, before she got her
separate trial, used her time efficiently doing homework for her classes at the
Juvenile Center. But even Stephanie
displayed her own peculiar brand of obliviousness. Like her victim, Stephanie had a talent for
sketching. At times she idly drew pictures of
Jesus Christ and Judge Rabb as the proceedings went on around her.
The defendants had all done things before the
trial which made any hope of acquittal remote.
Gertrude had inexplicably testified before both the grand jury in late
1965 and in her own defense at trial.
Leroy New had little difficulty catching her in a raft of inconsistences
between her trial testimony and her statements to the grand jury. She claimed the inconsistencies arose from
fear for her children. Every witness was
lying except Gertrude. She would have
done better to keep mum.
Gertrude wasn’t helped much either by eleven
year old Marie, who was there to testify on her mother’s behalf. Marie’s performed well enough during the first
day of her testimony. No, Mom couldn’t
have done what she’s accused of. She
took good care of the Likens sisters; what happened to Sylvia was the work of
the other kids. The little girl didn’t
stand a chance against Leroy New, however.
Throughout the trial New had left the questioning of most of the child
witnesses to co-counsel Marjorie Wessner, who as New himself conceded had a gentler
touch. The often overbearing New reserved
Marie’s cross-examination for him alone.
Marie, though tearful, held up under cross at
first until New teased out the inconsistencies in her story. After that she became progressively confused
until, in a Perry Mason-like moment, Marie broke down at last and cried “Oh God
help me!” When she calmed down, Marie
admitted her testimony to that point had been untruthful and her subsequent
answers more or less corroborated what had been testified to by other
witnesses. Forrest Bowman further
impeached Marie’s credibility when he asked her if she had been untruthful on
the stand, which she started to deny until she realized what she was saying
with a startled “Oops!” that elicited much laughter in the courtroom. This was probably the only moment of levity
in an otherwise grim proceeding.
The personal conflicts among the lawyers at
the trial have become apparent with last year’s publication of Bowman’s memoir Sylvia: The Likens Trial. Bowman alleges Leroy New was driven by an
overweening desire for publicity and accuses New of grandstanding when cross-examining
defense witnesses. Bowman, a careful
legal scholar with a strong respect for procedure, found New’s courtroom style
irksome. He describes his dislike of New
ripening into contempt when he chose to call Shirley to the stand to testify
against Gertrude. Bowman relates that
during a lunch break New stopped him on the street and suggested he put Johnny
on the stand to testify against his mother as well despite the fact this would endanger
Johnny’s Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. During this encounter New vowed “to put
Gertie’s ass in the electric chair.”
Bowman criticizes New for seeking first-degree murder convictions and
the death penalty against all six defendants, even the juveniles, as the
“ultimate ego trip” for New, a gamble he did not win in Bowman’s eyes.
I think both New and Bowman had a deep
capacity for righteous indignation.
While Bowman conducted himself professionally, the actions of the other
defense lawyers raise eyebrows.
Gertrude’s lawyer Erbecker was determined to portray his client as
insane at the time of the crime and so he asked nearly every witness he
examined and cross-examined whether they thought Gertrude actually was. Ricky’s public defender Nedeff was of
questionable competence. At one point Bowman,
fearing Nedeff was jeopardizing Nedeff’s own client’s life, barged into Judge
Rabb’s chambers during a courtroom break to protest Nedeff’s assignment to a
capital case. (After the jury convicted
Ricky on the lesser charge of manslaughter, Rabb remarked to Bowman in passing,
“That Nedeff is some lawyer.”)
But it was the conduct of George Rice,
Paula’s attorney, whose conduct raises my hackles most. A speech professor with a Ph.D. in psychology
who practiced law on the side, he had a reputation for eccentricity and
button-pushing. (He once mockingly
clicked his heels like a German soldier in front of Rabb, who was Jewish.) Rice’s questions during his cross-examination
of Jenny Likens reflect his quirkiness.
He led off by asking her if her legal name was in fact Virginia; while
this was not the case Jenny inexplicably answered in the affirmative
twice. (When Rice later questioned Nurse
Sanders on the stand he referred to Jenny as “Virginia Likens,” understandably
confusing her.)
Rice’s lines of questioning reek of attempted
character assassination, zealous advocacy notwithstanding. He asked Jenny about Sylvia’s grades; she
said she thought Sylvia was an average student.
What about Jenny’s grades? C’s
and D’s, mostly. Was Sylvia involved in
any sports or extracurricular activities at school? No.
Any awards or scholarships? No.
Then Rice’s questioning took an ugly
turn. Did Sylvia have dates,
boyfriends? Yes. How many dates a week? Leroy New objects here unless the time was
fixed; Rabb sustained him. All right,
then, how many dates did Sylvia have in the spring of 1965? She had a boyfriend when they lived on New
York Street; sometimes she would visit his house. Was she there often?
At this point Jenny makes one of those
inexplicable stray, offhand, potentially damaging comments which are scattered
throughout her testimony. “Well, there
were the twins…” When Rice pounces on
this and asks if Sylvia saw them often Jenny realizes her misstep and quickly
adds that Sylvia was good friends with the twins’ sister too.
The ugly implication of these questions is
quite clear. Because Sylvia wasn’t a
straight-A student, wasn’t class president, wasn’t captain of the volleyball
team her life was somehow less worthy.
Justice was for well-scrubbed, well-heeled suburban girls, not for those
from Eastside. Add to that the
insinuation Sylvia had had a number of boyfriends, well…
But Rice wasn’t the only defense attorney who
tried to cast aspersions upon Sylvia’s honor.
Or Jenny’s. Before Rice began his
cross Gertie’s lawyer Erbecker had clumsily tried to elicit an admission from
Jenny that perhaps she herself was faster than she wanted to admit. After bizarre exchanges over whether her
disability gave her discomfort and whether she smoked while living with
Gertrude—occasionally at first; later, no—Erbecker asked about Jenny’s
boyfriends and dating history. She
answered she had had boyfriends but had never been on a date.
In other words Erbecker hoped to establish
that she went around with men while Jenny clearly meant your typical middle
school, I-like-you-do-you-like-me, passing notes in class sort of thing. (John Dean writes that Jenny was embarrassed
by this line of questioning, hanging her head in humiliation.) After a further round of scattershot
questions, including a few concerning the Long Beach house party, Erbecker
wound up his cross by asking Jenny if she believed Gertrude was insane. After the inevitable flurry of objections and
rephrased questions, she replied she didn’t know.
The term “slut shaming” didn’t exist in 1966,
but the practice did. The onus of virtue
was on the young woman; she was either a “good girl” or she wasn’t. Portraying Sylvia as a “bad girl” was the
only hook the defense had as mitigation since the evidence was so strongly
against them. Today I hope we are
enlightened enough to where a jury would ignore that sort of argument even
without instruction from the bench. But
back then even the hint of promiscuity could be damning. With Sylvia not around to defend herself, it
became a matter of the Likens family’s word against that of the
Baniszewskis.
The trial did not want for dramatic or
poignant moments. Few witnesses provided
as many such moments as the deputy county coroner who first examined Sylvia’s
body at the Baniszewski house, Arthur Kebel.
When asked by New the extent of her injuries Kebel paused a moment
before answering, “One would hardly know where to begin” which naturally brought
loud objections from the defense. Too
often Kebel’s desire to explain the full extent of the harm done resulted in
him being admonished by Judge Rabb to confine his answers to a simple “yes” or
“no.” At one point, frustrated at having
his testimony circumscribed in such a manner, Kebel asked the judge if he could
answer in his own way. Rabb came back
with a sardonic, “You try, doctor.” (The
testimony of the pathologist who performed the autopsy, Charles Ellis,
proceeded somewhat more smoothly.)
But perhaps the one most affecting statements
from a witness during the trial, aside from those of the Likens family, was
when Dr. Kebel was asked his reaction upon first seeing Sylvia’s lifeless
body. Leroy New recalled in an interview
years later Kebel said he and his wife were unable to have children and he
could not understand why anyone would destroy a young child. Unfortunately this remains the great
imponderable of Sylvia’s murder.
It wasn’t just the witnesses who supplied the
drama during the trial. The spectators,
enticed by months of sensationalistic, even prurient news coverage, crowded the
courtroom, their periodic murmurs and exclamations testing Judge Rabb’s
patience to the point where he barred standing spectators. This led to competition for spectator seats;
at one point two women physically struggled over possession of the last
remaining seat. (One was injured and taken to the
hospital.) Another woman walked into
Rabb’s chambers during a recess to complain that people at the rear of the
courtroom couldn’t hear what was being said.
Baniszewski family lawyer John Hammond, who represented Stephanie,
caused a minor furor after it became known he had urged Forrest Bowman to get a
severance for Johnny and Coy during an elevator ride in the presence of a
juror.
William Erbecker predictably provided his
share of awkward moments, particularly when his quest to have Gertrude found
insane ultimately backfired in the most embarrassing fashion. One of his witnesses, psychologist Jerome
Relkin, an odd mannered gentleman who passed the time waiting to testify
soundly sleeping in an armchair in the antechamber, gave interesting
testimony. Relkin said he had given
Gertrude several personality tests, among them one where Gertrude was asked to
draw herself with Relkin interpreting the way she drew her hands. Despite Erbecker’s best efforts Relkin
stopped short of saying Gertie was not responsible for her actions. Recalled to the stand by the prosecution,
Leroy New quickly demolished Relkin by establishing that not only had Relkin
trained at the LaRue Carter State Hospital but that he had also been a patient
there. (It later came out that Erbecker,
who was bipolar, had first met Relkin at LaRue Carter as a fellow patient. Erbecker denied this.)
There were affronts to the integrity of
testimony: Witness Judy Duke’s mother was reprimanded and told to leave the
courtroom for answering questions from the audience during Judy’s testimony. There were the eccentric moments: One Jay
Tuck, an Antioch College student who was observing the trial on behalf of the
American Humanist Association, expressed his outrage over the neighbors’ apathy
toward Sylvia’s plight to the Star as
well as the barbarity of the state seeking the death penalty for the juvenile
defendants. (Tuck would go on to become
a prominent radio announcer in Europe.)
And there was a surfeit of pathos: Jenny Likens, who was present in
court throughout the trial, frequently broke down crying, and there were occasions
where her sobbing became so loud she had to be escorted from the courtroom by
her minder Officer Norman Collins.
The closing statements varied in tenor and
tone. Marjorie Wessner closed for the
prosecution, comparing Sylvia’s conditions to those in a German death
camp. The emotion of describing Sylvia’s
suffering caused Miss Wessner’s voice to nearly break a couple of times. George Rice spoke of the “chill penury” of
the Baniszewski household and of Sylvia as the unfortunate target of their
frustration after years of poverty.
Gertrude’s lawyer Erbecker gave a predictably strange closing,
brandishing the photo of Sylvia’s mutilated body at the jurors. Yes, Gertrude was responsible for the death
of Sylvia Likens. Yes, she was deserving
of the electric chair. But the jury couldn’t send Gertrude to her death
because she was insane.
Coy and Johnny’s lawyer Bowman lambasted
Prosecutor New’s aggressive cross-examination of the child witnesses, as did
Ricky’s lawyer Nedeff. Bowman argued it was “just an accident” that
it wasn’t Sylvia on trial for killing Johnny, that the climate of frustration
in the Baniszewski home was such that the victim really could have been any of
the children. (The latter statement is
plausible; Stephanie once said if it hadn’t been Sylvia she herself might well
have been the victim. I refuse to
believe the former on general principle.)
Nedeff reminded the jury of all the adults in the community who were
either aware of Sylvia’s abuse or should have suspected it and yet did not come
to her aid.
But it was Leroy New’s rebuttal to the
defense which stole the show. John Dean
has likened New’s 35-minute speech to that of a revival preacher. New told the jury Sylvia Likens did not run
away from the Baniszewski home or report her persecutors because she “trusted
in man” and could not believe that the people she had been entrusted to would
actually continue to hurt her. By the
time she realized the seriousness of her predicament it was too late. Addressing the defense’s plea of poverty, New
retorted that poverty did not excuse bestiality and that he had lived in
poverty himself. (This last statement
was gilding the lily a bit if one is familiar with New’s biography.) Finally, dismissing all the defense
attorneys’ rationalizations, New declared, “I can’t hear a word these people are
saying because the voice of Sylvia Likens cries out to both God and man.”
Powerful stuff, that. But perhaps not as effective as Leroy New had
hoped. From the distance of fifty years
it’s difficult to follow what the jury’s logic may have been arriving at its
judgments of guilt and punishment.
Perhaps it was the youth of most of the defendants. Maybe the defense’s insinuations about Sylvia
implanted small seeds of doubt in some of the jurors. The State of Indiana had asked for
first-degree murder convictions and death by electrocution for each of
them. Gertrude was convicted of
first-degree murder. Paula was convicted
of second-degree murder. Each drew a
life sentence. The others—Coy, Ricky,
and Johnny—were convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to two to 21 years
imprisonment. Johnny at the time was the
youngest inmate ever at the Indiana State Penitentiary. All three served the minimum sentence.
Gertrude and Paula successfully appealed
their convictions and were granted retrials with a change of venue. While awaiting trial, Paula briefly escaped
and was soon caught. The prosecution
offered Paula a plea deal; she pled guilty to manslaughter and was sentenced to
two to 21 years. Astoundingly, she
escaped a second time, was caught, and was still paroled two years into her new
sentence.
Gertrude’s 1971 trial in Peru, Indiana was
shorter than her first but resulted in the same outcome. At the time under Indiana law, the only
sentencing choices a jury had for first-degree murder were death or life
imprisonment. At the time of Gertrude’s
conviction Indiana’s governor had imposed a moratorium on executions pending a
decision from the state legislature, the state having last carried out an
execution in 1961. By the early 1970s
death sentences were increasingly rare.
After 1972, with the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Furman v. Georgia, all existing death
sentences were overturned and no new ones upheld until states changed their
capital punishment laws to meet the Furman
standard. Even if Gertrude had drawn
a death sentence both in 1966 and again in 1971 it is highly unlikely she would
ever have been executed, and the sentence would have been commuted to life by Furman anyway.
And so Gertrude was once again sentenced to
life. Indiana’s legislature did not
adopt life without parole as a possible sentence until 1993, which meant
Gertrude would become eligible for parole at some point. With the help of her prison chaplain, Rev. Rubin
Fields, Gertrude applied for release in 1985.
She had been a model prisoner and a mentor to the younger inmates. She had trained as a cosmetologist and as a
secretary. She received a favorable
report from the warden.
When the news of Gertrude’s impending parole
became known it was clear people in Indianapolis had not forgotten Sylvia
Likens. An activist group helped Jenny
Likens file a lawsuit to block Gertrude’s release. A petition circulated, and more than 40,000
signatures were collected.
Initially, they were successful. However the parole board reversed itself a
second time and Gertrude went free in December.
Going by her middle and maiden names to put Gertrude’s past behind her,
Nadine Van Fossan moved away to Iowa and obscurity. She died of lung cancer in June 1990.
© 2015 The Unassuming Scholar
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